Can you make development more saleable than dole? Can Indian voters, fed on patronage for decades, be more interested in empowerment? Will aspiration be a bigger draw than entitlement? Beyond the specifics of hard socio-economic data, which is available in plenty, the 'Gujarat model' of Chief Minister Narendra Modi highlights these specific shifts in the electoral narrative. The change is neither definitive nor incontestable, with critics suggesting that Modinomics is mere propaganda, in which events such as the Vibrant Gujarat Summit mask poor performance on social indicators. Some parties, including Congress, have decided to focus their election campaign primarily on attacking the public statements made by Modi on the Gujarat model. But there is little doubt that, for once, what is up for debate is not just caste and cultural arithmetic, but a development theory heralded by Narendra Modi

So what, really, is the Gujarat model? Does it work? And can it deliver for the rest of India?

When you enter Gujarat, the first impression is of wide roads and lush agricultural fields in rural areas, and of how parts of Ahmedabad resemble a top-tier metropolitan city. This is the Gujarat that has seen unprecedented economic growth--between 2004 and 2012 the state grew at 10.1 per cent, far ahead of the national average of 7.6 per cent. But a few miles away from immaculate roads and gleaming highways, a different picture emerges. While there is no denying its success in infrastructure, investment and e-governance, the Gujarat model has limitations. These are highlighted by failings in public health and education, with the state still behind its peers in infant mortality rate and women's literacy.

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